“We All Stand Before History”
“Silence would be treason”
- Kenule
Saro-Wiwa
Kenule Saro-Wiwa: October 10, 1941-November 10, 1995 |
The
world was shocked when General Sani Abacha ordered the execution of Kenule
Saro-Wiwa, Saturday Dobee, Nordu Eawo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate,
Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel and John Kpuine on November 10, 1995.
The
diminutive author and activist had been a leading voice for environmental
justice and the rights of the Ogoni nationality of about 500,000 people to
self-determination.
The military regime killed his body but the message he
heralded remains loud in the ears of those who despoil the earth and oppress
the downtrodden, particularly of the minority nationalities in the Niger delta.
Born
on October 10, 1941 to the family of an Ogoni chief Jim Wiwa in Bori, “Ken”
showed an intense sense of curiosity and brilliance as a youngster. He attended
the Government College Umuahia and secured a scholarship to study English at
the University of Ibadan. He initially wanted to stay in the academia, taking
up a job as teaching assistant at the University of Lagos after leaving UI. But
this was just for a brief while.
He
returned to Bonny in the Niger delta where he was made a Civilian
Administrator. When the Civil War broke out, he supported the federal side
because he believed that micro-minorities such as the Ogoni could face even
worse marginalisation if the Biafran secession had succeeded. After the war, he
was made Commissioner of Education in the newly established Rivers state.
But
by 1973 he was sacked because he insisted on the need for the Ogoni to be
autonomous within the state.He then moved into private business with interests
in real estate and retail trade. In the 1980s he concentrated more on his
talents as an author and journalist. He also produced the very popular
television comedy series Basi and Company
at this time. Saro-Wiwa was convinced to return to politics in 1987 by
Babangida, when the military regime commenced its transition programme.
Ken
Saro-Wiwa soon fell out with Babangida and his political transition, when it
dawned on him that the programme was actually meant to head to nowhere. He
became a founding member of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People
(MOSOP) in 1990, devoting the last five years of his life to the struggle for
environmental justice and the betterment of the lives of the Ogoni.
He
tirelessly campaigned on the platform of the Ogoni Bill of Rights
internationally. And within Nigeria MOSOP joined the then ongoing coalescing of
“mass democratic organisations” into the Campaign for Democracy united front,
and Saro-Wiwa was elected into the CD leadership at its founding Convention in
November 1991.
The
rising tide of MOSOP’s influence within Ogoni land and far beyond became very
worrisome for the military government. In 1992, it detained Ken for several
months. But this did not douse the fires blazing against transnational oil
corporations (particularly Shell) and the state. On December 3, MOSOP demanded
compensation for the despoliation of Ogoni land and the payment of back
royalties from Shell, NNPC and Chevron, failing which the movement committed
itself to driving them off Ogoni land within 30days.
31 days later, on January
4, 1993 300,000 Ogoni people marched under the banner of MOSOP to protest
against Shell’s continued rape of the environment and exploitation of the
people. This was more than half of the entire Ogoni population and the largest
mass action ever taken against an oil company anywhere in the world. Haven been
organised as the International Year of Indigenous Peoples was unfolding, it
received global acclaim. Rattled, the state militarily occupied Ogoni land.
It
was not only the Nigerian state that was flustered by this rising. Leaked
minutes of a top management meeting of Shell at its Central Offices in early
February showed the corporation had decided to ensure that the “movements of
key players” within MOSOP like Saro-Wiwa were to be closely monitored. Shell
fully supported the occupation force in Ogoni land with “field allowances” for
the soldiers and provision of money for arms and ammunition.
Repression
became the order of the day. Ken was detained several times in the course of
that year. But despite this, Ogoni land was the only place where CD’s campaign
for the boycott of the June 12 election was successfully enforced. Ken was
again detained, this time for one month (his third detention that year). With
the resistance being waged within Nigeria, MOSOP and Saro-Wiwa as its main
spokesperson’s profile rose globally, and he was elected Vice-Chair of the
Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organisation General Assembly.
The
macabre drama leading to the “judicial murder” of the Ogoni 9 started on May
21, 199. Soldiers had taken over the Ogoni community of Gokana very early in
the morning, and Saro-Wiwa was barred from entering the town. Before the end of
the day, four conservative chiefs who stood for a more conciliatory strategy
with the state had been killed.
The military government insisted that their murderers
were Ogoni youths incited by Ken Saro-Wiwa, despite being far away from the
scene. Several observers looking more closely at the context of the events of
that fateful day conclude that it was a lethal set-up with the blood-soaked aim
of finding a reason to charge Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots with homicide.
The
MOSOP leaders arrested in the wake of those murders were detained for a year
before charges were levelled against them, in a tribunal headed by Justice Auta.
The trial was so clearly a travesty while it lasted that defence lawyers,
including Gani Fawehinmi withdrew from the case, declaring the process as being
designed to ensure the defendants face the hangman’s noose.
Quite a number of
the defendants brought up by the prosecution were later to confess that they
were bribed with money and promises of jobs with Shell. Despite the obvious
charade that the trial was, the Ogoni 9 were declared guilty as charged and
sentenced to death. Ten days after the draconian sentence was passed, in spite
of worldwide condemnation of it and with twenty more days left before the
appeal against it would expire, the nine martyrs were hanged in prison.
But,
even in death, Ken Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots mocked the mediocre men behind
the hangman. As the Global Day of Remembrance of Martyrs of Environmental
Justice, November 10 is now emblazoned worldwide within the repertoire of
resistance to the status quo.
20 years after, not learning from history, the
Nigerian state impounded the “Saro-Wiwa bus”, a symbolic work of art that had
been designed to mark the 10th year anniversary of the hangings, in
London, at the ports. Social Action, a civic organisation with roots in the
Niger delta had requested for the memorabilia to use during the 20th
anniversary commemoration of that dark day.
Retired
Colonel Hammed Ali, the Comptroller-General of Customs who ordered this action
represented the army on the Justice Auta tribunal 20 years ago. Today once
again, he stands on the wrong side of history, nailing the coffin of his
eternal condemnation where the diminutive Ken Saro-Wiwa lives on, in the
struggle of the poor Ogoni people and all oppressed peoples fighting to change
the world.
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