I still stand by NLC

To be quite clear, my continued support for the NLC at this point in time does not mean I take a non-critical position on its calling off the would-have-been strike. On the contrary, I feel very disappointed, like many working people in Nigeria and I do not think it was the correct step to take, despite the challenging context in which the decision was taken. My position is hinged on two important pillars that I think should inform radical action.

First, it is not for us to cry (in lamentation or anger) or laugh (and clap when it seems that “yes, they are spitting fire” only). We are beholden to understanding, in a manner that puts the entire picture in perspective. Second, tactical positions need to be subordinated to the overarching strategy and our strategy informed by underlying principles.

Yesterday afternoon, I expressed my support for the would-have-been strike in an interview with Sahara Reporters. Whilst doing so, I also stressed the fact that, haven issued the call, this is one strike the NLC should not back down from. Shortly after, I gathered that the NLC leadership just entered a meeting with government.

I swiftly concluded it was game over, even before the meeting was through. This was for a number of disparate reasons which added together could be read as tea leaves that told where it would all end by nightfall.

Earlier yesterday, Tinubu met with JOHESU and the health workers’ strike was called off. The federal government also secured a court injunction to stop the strike. For me, the court injunction matter was the least problem.

However, the TUC’s earlier decision to pursue negotiation instead of calling a strike; the success of the ruling class in hegemonizing the discourse and forging a tenous but palpable national consensus on removal of the fuel subsidy; and the reported fact which some chose to dismiss that the leaderships of some State Councils had silently taken an anti-strike stance, all laid the basis for a looming defeat of the strike.

Does this justify calling off the strike? I think this is a secondary question. More importantly would have been why the strike had been called as a knee-jerk reaction (there had been more than adequate notice of the removal of the subsidy by June, with time for massive mobilisation and robust counter-hegemonic countering of the ruling class’ argument). 

But, haven called the strike at that time, I am of the view that the NLC leadership was duty-bound to pursue it come what may. Defeat comes in different shades and could serve be a great fertile ground for lessons and inspiration for the future, if the political and ideological struggle leading to a defeat, and the defeat itself, are well handled.

Conversely, if Congress’ leadership saw defeat starring it in the face and was of the view that this would represent a strategic setback – which it could be, if not well handled – it was equally duty-bound to report back to its NEC and consult with NLC’s allies before calling off the strike. That could have been done between last night and this morning.

There is no doubt that our side has lost a major battle without firing a shot. But a battle is not the war. And whilst the trade unions constitute, if you will, the “First Mechanised Division” of the working-class army, it is not only the only division, and we (i.e., the left) hardly every take a critical look at how our own smaller divisions are faring in the scheme of things. How we (i.e., all components of the labour movement – including the trade unions and the left) relate in this bitter moment could have a significant impact on how the battles that lie ahead – and believe me, there will be many – will be prosecuted by working people.

Such relations does not mean that rank-and-file workers, the left and other allies of the trade union movement should be uncritical. Calling off the strike, despite the context within which that was done, is condemnable.

But, unlike the calling off of the 18 September 2020 would-have-been strike, which was called off because NLC and TUC feared for how successful that strike could have been, this is taking place at a moment of weakness. It is also a very different period from that in which the 2012 “Occupy Nigeria” movement found oxygen.

This period is however, also a fragile one for the ruling class. Despite his audacious opening (and arguably one of the reasons for this), the new president has a huge legitimacy deficit. There is also the burning fire of worsening cost of living, which the government does not have enough water of palliatives and patronage to quench.

 The radical and revolutionary left needs a more strategic approach to be prepared to give leadership to the coming storm. To draw from the motto of Amandla!, the radical South African magazine, we need to learn “taking power seriously”, in theory and practice.