On violence and the Osun elections, ICPC, NASS and fake PFIPC, and AAC's 2027 elections campaign*

Comrade Baba Aye, a veteran trade unionist and activist, is Co-Convener, Coalition for Revolution (CORE) and a Council Member, Progressive International (PI). Baba Aye, former Deputy National Secretary, Labour Party (LP) and former National Convener, United Action for Democracy (UAD) during the June 12 struggle and Member, National Implementation Committee of the Campaign for Democracy (CD), in this interview with EJIKEME OMENAZU, he speaks on the Osun political violence, travails of Omoyele Sowore, the current partisanship of the police and the judiciary, among other issues. Excerpt:

Are you worried over the level of political violence in Osun State due to the August 15 governorship election in that state?

The extent and virulence of the political violence rocking Osun State ahead of the August 15 elections is more than enough to worry any right-thinking person. It is a direct result of the winnertakes-all and do-or-die approach to politics that characterises the Nigerian ruling class. Unfortunately, most of those being killed are working-class people—the poor. None of the children or family members of the wealthy politicians in the ruling class are bearing the brunt like the people being used as pawns. This is exceedingly worrisome, uncalled for, and unacceptable.

How do you see the reported nonchalant attitude of the Osun State Commissioner of Police who has been accused of partisanship in favour of the APC?

The attitude of the Osun State Commissioner of Police is, I would say, not surprising when you consider the broader political context. There is no doubt that, even though violent acts might be carried out by both sides, the main aggressor is the APC, which ruled the state for 12 years, including when it was in opposition at the centre. Having lost power in Osun while being in government at the centre, the APC now wants to reclaim the state by any means necessary, including violence. There are also allegations that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has deep roots in Osun State. If the ruling party, with a president allegedly from that state, is driving the violence we are witnessing, it is very unlikely that the commissioner would not be partisan.

In the light of the prevailing situation, what do you think the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Olatunji Disu should do to ensure that Osun State is secure for s peaceful governorship election on August 15?

Expecting Inspector General Olatunji Disu to do anything, but support whatever Tinubu stands for is unrealistic. Olatunji Disu is a Tinubu loyalist through and through. This has emboldened police commissioners to be more overt in their support for the ruling class. Recently, a video surfaced of Mr. Tijani Fatai, the Lagos Commissioner of Police at a 2027 meeting of the City Boys, a campaign structure for the Tinubu presidency. This same commissioner once declared Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) wanted and threatened to have him arrested on sight. This was simply because Sowore exercised his constitutional right to speak out for citizens rendered homeless and to join them in protest. I do not see any likelihood of the IGP putting peace above the APC’s quest for victory in Osun or elsewhere.

What do you think the Independent National Electoral Commissioner (INEC) and the other stakeholders should do to ensure peaceful and credible elections in Osun State?

The role of INEC is limited to the core electoral aspect of elections. But elections themselves alone do not guarantee peaceful polling. The violence will undermine the credibility of the elections by making it difficult, if not impossible, for some people to exercise their right to vote. Beyond this, stakeholders need to be vigilant, shine a light on the process, and demand that votes are counted and that they count. Everything must be done to prevent rigging and to pressure the political gladiators to sheathe their swords, save lives, and stop the bloodshed.

What is your take on the continued delivery of controversial political judgments by some Federal High Courts justices, especially in the Abuja Division?

Will you say that some of these judges appear compromised against the opposition parties? Probably never before has the role of the courts been more controversial regarding judgments on political parties. As you rightly pointed out, the Abuja Division appears central to this drama of the absurd. Some say that the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr. Nyesom Wike, is central to this, and they may not be wrong, as it is assumed he will do all he can to deliver victory at the polls to President Bola Tinubu. His building houses for judges in Abuja is seen as part of the machinations towards winning a more pliable judiciary in the territory. Civil society organisations and trade unions have spoken out against this. Parties need to mobilise to ensure transparency and that justice is done and seen to be done. The courts are supposed to be the last bastion of justice, but they are in reality utilised by the ruling party for upholding its power.

Why do you think the National Judicial Council (NJC) have been silent despite the obvious indictment of these judges by the Appeal Court Justices?

It is a shame that the National Judicial Council (NJC) has not taken concrete action to sanction the indicted Appeal Court justices. This further affirms what some of us have pointed out time and again: the judiciary and the justice system in general primarily serve to sustain the state power of the ruling class. At different times, this leads to different outcomes. Currently, despite contention within the ruling class for the 2027 elections, Tinubu is seen as the best defender of the interests of the local ruling class, and that is what the justices are defending. This is, however, indefensible, even within their own legal framework.

What is your view on the acquisition of surveillance aircraft by the Oyo State government to check insecurity in the state?

Do you think that other states and the Federal Government should emulate the example of Oyo State? Any legitimate step taken to curb insecurity anywhere in Nigeria should be welcomed. By legitimate, I mean within the rules of engagement. For example, some Nigerians have commended the threat to kill family members of some of the kidnappers of the Oríre school pupils and teacher. Even President Tinubu boasted about it. But such steps are illegitimate. If we allow such actions today because they are targeting terrorists, they could be used against other groups, including progressive forces that challenge the state or a particular government tomorrow. Regarding Oyo State, the acquisition of surveillance aircraft is legitimate and even necessary, but it is not sufficient. The Oyo State government, like every state government in Nigeria and the Federal Government, must address the root causes of insecurity, including economic deprivation and the collapse of social values rooted in a shared sense of community due to government policies. Concrete steps must be taken to address these issues. The people themselves are their greatest form of security. I have always advocated for an armed populace. Citizens need to be trained; if you can vote, you should also be equipped to defend yourself and the community against terrorists and oppressors. There should be training and democratic management of armoury in communities so that people can unite to fight back when necessary.

What is your view on the recent letter President Donald Trump wrote to President Bola Tinubu over the cooperation of the two countries in the war against terrorism?

The issue of Donald Trump’s letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is laughable. The fact that the APC government is parading this like a 300 plus JAMB scorecard shows how much they are lackeys of imperialism. They believe they need Donald Trump’s validation because they are junior partners in the global capitalist system. There is also another reason this is being played up: the letter began circulating a few weeks after it was sent, just as Atiku Abubakar, another representative of the ruling class, through his PR firm in the United States, dredged up allegations of drug dealing against President Tinubu. The letter was meant to divert attention from this. Both sides are the same. Even Atiku’s hands are not clean and he is using a PR firm in the United States. The entire Nigerian ruling class consists of lackeys of capitalism.

Why has it been difficult for the security agencies to end the killings in the Middle Belt? There are several reasons why the killings in the Middle Belt and elsewhere have not been stopped, and these reasons are layered. The situation in the Middle Belt is particularly concerning within this complexity. There is the national question, which arises from how Nigeria was cobbled together into a federation, and more importantly, how different sections of the ruling class or nationalities exploit ethnic divisions to rally the poor masses behind them. This creates a combustible situation with explosive consequences, compounded by the deepening politicisation of religion. There is also the impact of the climate crisis, which has increased the movement of pastoralists from the Sahel into the Middle Belt. Furthermore, the Army is inefficient, with much of its allocated funds used for purposes other than defence, and there is likely collusion within the chain of command. These are all multilayered issues. To address the core of the problem, we must tackle the root causes of insecurity, ensure people are equipped to defend themselves, and initiate conversations within and between the different nationalities in this complex geo-cultural context.

What is your view on the way the investigation of the fake federal agency is being handled by the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Crimes Commission (ICPC) and the National Assembly?

The issue of the so-called Prince Adeyemi and the fake federal agency points more to the fraudulent nature of Nigeria’s governance structures and processes than to the confirmed fraudulence of Mr. Adeyemi. Many questions remain unanswered. The National Assembly has so far refused to invite Femi Gbajabiamila to respond to the allegations that Adeyemi has publicly made about his central role in establishing this contraption. The National Assembly and the ICPC are clearly lacking in their response. There should be an independent probe involving trade unions, civil society organisations, and both community and national police to uncover what happened, how it happened, and to prosecute everyone involved.

With the ongoing trial of Comrade Omoyele Sowore, do you think he and the African Action Congress (AAC) will have time to campaign seriously for the 2027 elections?

The travails of Omoyele Sowore are essentially contrived by the state to weaken the party and undermine its capacity to campaign for the 2027 elections. The authorities recognise the mass anger in the country and are afraid that people may turn to a party offering a genuine revolutionary alternative that addresses the concerns of the poor masses, workers, artisans, farmers, and marginalised youths. This is what the AAC represents, and Omoyele Sowore, as its presidential candidate, has been principally under attack. Despite this, our ranks continue to grow, support for Omoyele Sowore increases, and more people are aligning with our perspective that we cannot continue like this—we need fundamental change and a revolution now. Therefore, I believe the state’s aim to weaken or derail the AAC’s campaign for 2027 will fail.

*first published by in the Sunday Independent of 2 August 2026 as "ICPC, NASS Can't Do Thorough Job With Fake Agency Probe - Baba Aye"