...my submission for the March 21 Conference's conceptual framework
Submissions towards establishing a movement for social change in Nigeria
Introduction
I am quite delighted by the on-going efforts back home geared towards a unifying of efforts by different segments of critical civil society and more importantly having an organisational structure for the pursuit of the goal of (social) change. I will herein attempt to present my initial views and propositions as humble in-puts in the light of this.
While I am more aware of the efforts at the level of the FOIC, I am not unaware of other efforts which include the trade union movement. I would strongly urge for a fusion of these efforts as much as possible. My submission here might be considered as primarily a contribution to the March 21, 2009 Conference mooted at the level of the FOIC and presently being steered by OI, CA & SA. It is however in the final analysis an input for the formulations of the way forward which of course all these efforts are presently in the process of engaging with.
The propositions in this submission are structured into four parts thus
• tasks before the March 21st meeting
• Programmatic formulations
• Formulations on strategy
• Organisational/organising principles
It would proceed though from an analysis of the general context as I see it with the intent of situating a background for the propositions.
Contextual background
In 1999 a civilian republic was re-instituted in Nigeria in the wake of a six-year national democratic revolution. While it could be argued that some democratic space was won, this is constrained by economic, political and social practices entrenched over the past ten years. The Obasanjo and subsequently Yar’Adua administrations of the PDP that have held sway since then have pursued anti-people neoliberal policies at the behest of IMF/World Bank and enthroned corrupt practices, fostering their ostentatious living at the expense of the poor masses.
Several Nigerians, organisations and social movements have expressed concern at the worsening of our national polity and economy. The FOIC list serve is a major platform on which discourse has taken place since September 2003 and most especially over the past few weeks on the imperative necessity for organising to mobilise Nigerians for our self-emancipation and a change that will transform our country. While there are diverse views on the way forward to fulfil this aim, there is agreement on the need to strategise and build collectively on what we are in agreement on.
The March 21st meeting represents a crucial watershed for establishing this and moving towards instituting a popular-democratic project of patriots, progressives, democrats, liberals, workers, professionals, unions, civil society organisations, social movements, socialists, etc, all bond by our collective desire for a better Nigeria.
Tasks before March 21, 2009
From the discourse thus far on the list serve, while there are differences on if the emergent platform should be partisan or not, there is agreement on it being political and an all-encompassing body rooted in the masses. I would thus strongly suggest that all efforts be made not to make the conference simply one of FOIC or members on its list serve.
Identified mass membership bodies of Nigerians, particularly the trade unions should be contacted and the emergent vision discussed with them. The other bodies that such discussions with could be useful would include but should not be limited to; identified progressive parties, leading csos, concerned professionals platforms, nationality movements, the students body (despite its present state still) and the other on-going efforts at establishing similar bodies as stated above . It could be argued that some (if not all) of these bodies could be contacted after the March 21 meeting. This in itself is not an untenable position. We however must bear in mind the possibility that people and organisations tend to see themselves more as co-stakeholders, if I could use that word, when they are brought in from the word go. Even if it is as ‘guests’ I would strongly advise that not only should discussions be held with as broad an array of people’s organisations as possible, they should indeed be invited to the March 21 Conference.
An analysis of earlier efforts, noting their strengths and weaknesses should as well be done before the conference, in my view. Indeed it could have been ideal for the conference to discuss this; it might however not be practicable considering the time available basically. I would thus suggest that one or two comrades volunteer or be commissioned from within the list serve to work out briefs of this in a manner geared at in-putting the lessons from the past into the present developments while eschewing recriminations that could be counter-productive at this point in time. This analysis should be circulated on the list serve a week or two to the Conference.
I agree in principle with the need for a code of conduct as Sam Amadi is drafting. I am of the view that this is to guide the practice of the effort after the conference . I would further propose, if my reading of the code is correct, that Standing Orders specifically for the conduct of the conference itself be drafted and circulated on the list serve to be agreed upon before the Conference. I would as well suggest that a deadline of say two weeks be given for submissions of inputs. This would be for the organising troika to put the different propositions together in a systematic manner that and circulate this for say a week before the conference for all views to be on the table.
On programmatic formulations
It is not my intent here to make programmatic submissions itself. While it is very important as the base of any united front of our collective efforts, formulating it requires confidence-building in a way and manner that respects our diversities while consolidating the key features of what we all stand for that could advance a movement for change.
Here, I will basically identify possible thematic areas that I believe our programme should cover.
• Economy: a pro-people’s economic strategy that will combat neoliberalism and its market fundamentalism which the present economic crisis has proven as invalid, guaranteeing the right to work and an industrialization strategy for Nigeria
• Political: participatory-democracy, including in budget formulation, councils administration and the flowering of democratisation in all facets of our national life including making the formal right to recall representatives in all political offices much easier to effect. We must also insist on radical electoral reforms that could make it possible for the electorate’s votes to count and be counted
• Social: institution of social security and universal access to health and education, relating recreation to production and community life
• Gender: abolishing all patriarchal laws and gender biased language in official literature, including the constitution
• Environment: an agenda for sustainable development that supports a balance between industrial development and nature
• International: support for people across the world fighting for change and a new global order that will put people before profit
The list of course is not exhaustive. I would sum up on programmes with two propositions. One: that the Conference sets up a programme committee that would draw up a comprehensive view of our programmatic vision. Two: that apart from such a programme, a one or two page summary of it as a Charter for (Social) Change/Nigeria’s Transformation or by whatever name such a charter is called is also drafted. It should state in the simplest and most powerful manner our formulation of the desires that burns in the hearts of millions of Nigerians for that change that would transform our land thus inspiring more and more Nigerians as a clarion for mass action.
On strategies
The March 21 Conference has been described by many as a strategizing meeting, meaning that at the heart of it is a major concern for how do we streamline our passionate yearnings for change into strategies that could lead us to such change? It is in this light that a clear analysis of the strengths and (especially) the weaknesses of our (recent) past would be invaluable. Similarly, so would a SWOT analysis of critical civil society. These two reflections are crucial for our strategies to be based on our concrete realities and not just our ideals of what needs to be done.
A few propositions in general could however suffice at this point thus:
• Mass actions: rallies, processions, petitions-signing, sit-ins, strike actions and other forms of mass protest actions need to be creatively blended together around specifics but more importantly around a programme for social change which a charter as referred to above would be very useful for
• Broad array of forces: as stated above, as many and as diverse a number of citizens and organisations of Nigerians need to be won over to the banner of the project for social change
• Political movement: be it partisan or not –which should be decided based on an open and thorough discussion beyond March 21, even as structures are being built-, it should be a mass political movement
• Press: the value of a press for a mass political movement can not be overestimated. I would suggest that the movement have a newspaper of its own as well as possibly other periodicals and occassionals
• The internet: web-sites, blogs, list serves and virtual space social networks, have become crucial for mobilizing across and in different countries of the world since 1997. We must utilise these to the utmost
• Finance: this is one aspect of strategy that is often not taken from a strategic standpoint. A strategy for financing the project which will avoid subordinating it to donor-driven financialization and accompanying politicking should be designed. Whatever its other details, funding the project should include monies raised from individual and organisational membership subscriptions
On a final note, while the major thrust of our strategy should be agreed upon at Rockview, I would propose that one of the commissions to be set up would be one on strategy
Organisation and organising principles
It would be very important that we are clear from the word go on how we intend to organise. This is interwoven with programme and with strategy. I would however propose that we draw from what in my view was a lesson from CD as it grew. Membership of the body should be both organisational and individual.
For organisations, we should promote a democratic process of entrenching membership. This would entail instituting means of ensuring that affiliation is discussed in the organisations and not merely put in black and white by leadership with this having no meaning to the organisations’ members.
I would also suggest that a multi-pronged approach to organising be enthroned in other spheres as well to maximise our spread, influence and membership strength. Residential/territorial, workplace/occupational, etc forms of units, circles, branches, chapters of the platform should be established.
In lieu of a conclusion
Once again, I commend the efforts and spirit behind this our march forward.
It is time for us all to come forward with our ideas and more importantly our strength, resources, energies, etc to build a movement for transformative change in our country.
The period we live in today is very dire. It will take struggles to even defend what we have now as an increasingly worsening world economy sucks in our country deeper and deeper with further attacks still against our deplorable state, looming.
We will have to build on the common grounds we share, working with mutual respect, trust and commitment, remembering that there will be times of frayed nerves and disagreements. We can bring change to Nigeria in the dark valley of recession, only if we seize the time and build on it.
Transformative regards,
Baba Aye
Introduction
I am quite delighted by the on-going efforts back home geared towards a unifying of efforts by different segments of critical civil society and more importantly having an organisational structure for the pursuit of the goal of (social) change. I will herein attempt to present my initial views and propositions as humble in-puts in the light of this.
While I am more aware of the efforts at the level of the FOIC, I am not unaware of other efforts which include the trade union movement. I would strongly urge for a fusion of these efforts as much as possible. My submission here might be considered as primarily a contribution to the March 21, 2009 Conference mooted at the level of the FOIC and presently being steered by OI, CA & SA. It is however in the final analysis an input for the formulations of the way forward which of course all these efforts are presently in the process of engaging with.
The propositions in this submission are structured into four parts thus
• tasks before the March 21st meeting
• Programmatic formulations
• Formulations on strategy
• Organisational/organising principles
It would proceed though from an analysis of the general context as I see it with the intent of situating a background for the propositions.
Contextual background
In 1999 a civilian republic was re-instituted in Nigeria in the wake of a six-year national democratic revolution. While it could be argued that some democratic space was won, this is constrained by economic, political and social practices entrenched over the past ten years. The Obasanjo and subsequently Yar’Adua administrations of the PDP that have held sway since then have pursued anti-people neoliberal policies at the behest of IMF/World Bank and enthroned corrupt practices, fostering their ostentatious living at the expense of the poor masses.
Several Nigerians, organisations and social movements have expressed concern at the worsening of our national polity and economy. The FOIC list serve is a major platform on which discourse has taken place since September 2003 and most especially over the past few weeks on the imperative necessity for organising to mobilise Nigerians for our self-emancipation and a change that will transform our country. While there are diverse views on the way forward to fulfil this aim, there is agreement on the need to strategise and build collectively on what we are in agreement on.
The March 21st meeting represents a crucial watershed for establishing this and moving towards instituting a popular-democratic project of patriots, progressives, democrats, liberals, workers, professionals, unions, civil society organisations, social movements, socialists, etc, all bond by our collective desire for a better Nigeria.
Tasks before March 21, 2009
From the discourse thus far on the list serve, while there are differences on if the emergent platform should be partisan or not, there is agreement on it being political and an all-encompassing body rooted in the masses. I would thus strongly suggest that all efforts be made not to make the conference simply one of FOIC or members on its list serve.
Identified mass membership bodies of Nigerians, particularly the trade unions should be contacted and the emergent vision discussed with them. The other bodies that such discussions with could be useful would include but should not be limited to; identified progressive parties, leading csos, concerned professionals platforms, nationality movements, the students body (despite its present state still) and the other on-going efforts at establishing similar bodies as stated above . It could be argued that some (if not all) of these bodies could be contacted after the March 21 meeting. This in itself is not an untenable position. We however must bear in mind the possibility that people and organisations tend to see themselves more as co-stakeholders, if I could use that word, when they are brought in from the word go. Even if it is as ‘guests’ I would strongly advise that not only should discussions be held with as broad an array of people’s organisations as possible, they should indeed be invited to the March 21 Conference.
An analysis of earlier efforts, noting their strengths and weaknesses should as well be done before the conference, in my view. Indeed it could have been ideal for the conference to discuss this; it might however not be practicable considering the time available basically. I would thus suggest that one or two comrades volunteer or be commissioned from within the list serve to work out briefs of this in a manner geared at in-putting the lessons from the past into the present developments while eschewing recriminations that could be counter-productive at this point in time. This analysis should be circulated on the list serve a week or two to the Conference.
I agree in principle with the need for a code of conduct as Sam Amadi is drafting. I am of the view that this is to guide the practice of the effort after the conference . I would further propose, if my reading of the code is correct, that Standing Orders specifically for the conduct of the conference itself be drafted and circulated on the list serve to be agreed upon before the Conference. I would as well suggest that a deadline of say two weeks be given for submissions of inputs. This would be for the organising troika to put the different propositions together in a systematic manner that and circulate this for say a week before the conference for all views to be on the table.
On programmatic formulations
It is not my intent here to make programmatic submissions itself. While it is very important as the base of any united front of our collective efforts, formulating it requires confidence-building in a way and manner that respects our diversities while consolidating the key features of what we all stand for that could advance a movement for change.
Here, I will basically identify possible thematic areas that I believe our programme should cover.
• Economy: a pro-people’s economic strategy that will combat neoliberalism and its market fundamentalism which the present economic crisis has proven as invalid, guaranteeing the right to work and an industrialization strategy for Nigeria
• Political: participatory-democracy, including in budget formulation, councils administration and the flowering of democratisation in all facets of our national life including making the formal right to recall representatives in all political offices much easier to effect. We must also insist on radical electoral reforms that could make it possible for the electorate’s votes to count and be counted
• Social: institution of social security and universal access to health and education, relating recreation to production and community life
• Gender: abolishing all patriarchal laws and gender biased language in official literature, including the constitution
• Environment: an agenda for sustainable development that supports a balance between industrial development and nature
• International: support for people across the world fighting for change and a new global order that will put people before profit
The list of course is not exhaustive. I would sum up on programmes with two propositions. One: that the Conference sets up a programme committee that would draw up a comprehensive view of our programmatic vision. Two: that apart from such a programme, a one or two page summary of it as a Charter for (Social) Change/Nigeria’s Transformation or by whatever name such a charter is called is also drafted. It should state in the simplest and most powerful manner our formulation of the desires that burns in the hearts of millions of Nigerians for that change that would transform our land thus inspiring more and more Nigerians as a clarion for mass action.
On strategies
The March 21 Conference has been described by many as a strategizing meeting, meaning that at the heart of it is a major concern for how do we streamline our passionate yearnings for change into strategies that could lead us to such change? It is in this light that a clear analysis of the strengths and (especially) the weaknesses of our (recent) past would be invaluable. Similarly, so would a SWOT analysis of critical civil society. These two reflections are crucial for our strategies to be based on our concrete realities and not just our ideals of what needs to be done.
A few propositions in general could however suffice at this point thus:
• Mass actions: rallies, processions, petitions-signing, sit-ins, strike actions and other forms of mass protest actions need to be creatively blended together around specifics but more importantly around a programme for social change which a charter as referred to above would be very useful for
• Broad array of forces: as stated above, as many and as diverse a number of citizens and organisations of Nigerians need to be won over to the banner of the project for social change
• Political movement: be it partisan or not –which should be decided based on an open and thorough discussion beyond March 21, even as structures are being built-, it should be a mass political movement
• Press: the value of a press for a mass political movement can not be overestimated. I would suggest that the movement have a newspaper of its own as well as possibly other periodicals and occassionals
• The internet: web-sites, blogs, list serves and virtual space social networks, have become crucial for mobilizing across and in different countries of the world since 1997. We must utilise these to the utmost
• Finance: this is one aspect of strategy that is often not taken from a strategic standpoint. A strategy for financing the project which will avoid subordinating it to donor-driven financialization and accompanying politicking should be designed. Whatever its other details, funding the project should include monies raised from individual and organisational membership subscriptions
On a final note, while the major thrust of our strategy should be agreed upon at Rockview, I would propose that one of the commissions to be set up would be one on strategy
Organisation and organising principles
It would be very important that we are clear from the word go on how we intend to organise. This is interwoven with programme and with strategy. I would however propose that we draw from what in my view was a lesson from CD as it grew. Membership of the body should be both organisational and individual.
For organisations, we should promote a democratic process of entrenching membership. This would entail instituting means of ensuring that affiliation is discussed in the organisations and not merely put in black and white by leadership with this having no meaning to the organisations’ members.
I would also suggest that a multi-pronged approach to organising be enthroned in other spheres as well to maximise our spread, influence and membership strength. Residential/territorial, workplace/occupational, etc forms of units, circles, branches, chapters of the platform should be established.
In lieu of a conclusion
Once again, I commend the efforts and spirit behind this our march forward.
It is time for us all to come forward with our ideas and more importantly our strength, resources, energies, etc to build a movement for transformative change in our country.
The period we live in today is very dire. It will take struggles to even defend what we have now as an increasingly worsening world economy sucks in our country deeper and deeper with further attacks still against our deplorable state, looming.
We will have to build on the common grounds we share, working with mutual respect, trust and commitment, remembering that there will be times of frayed nerves and disagreements. We can bring change to Nigeria in the dark valley of recession, only if we seize the time and build on it.
Transformative regards,
Baba Aye
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